![]() |
|
Page 1 | Page 2 | Page 3 | Page 4 | Page 5 | Page 6 | Page 7 | Page 8 | Page 9 | Page 10 | Page 11 | Page 12 | Page 13 | Page 14 | Page 15 | Page 16 | Page 17 | Page 18 | Page 19 | Page 20 | Page 21 | Page 22 | Page 23 | Page 24 | Page 25 | Page 26 | Page 27 | Page 28 | Page 29 | Page 30 | Page 31 | Page 32 | Page 33 | Page 34 | Page 35 | Page 36 | Page 37 | Page 38 | Page 39 | Page 40 | Page 41 | Page 42 | Page 43 | Page 44 | Page 45 | Page 46 | Page 47 | Page 48 | Page 49 | Page 50
Michael Ubaldi, February 10, 2004.
Over a year ago, the White House was convinced that the same man who recently wrote a panicky report on the terrorist insurgency in Iraq was Saddam's guest and ally. And while we stroll down memory lane, recall what opponents of Iraqi liberation were actually arguing (if miserably) before the war began. Michael Ubaldi, February 10, 2004.
With sad news this morning, we should remind ourselves that Iraqis are made of sterner stuff: The Kurds of Iraq are battered but not bowed. We will not be intimidated. We know all too well who we are dealing with. Unable to strike devastating blows against U.S. forces, the terrorists are increasingly assaulting free Iraqis.
Michael Ubaldi, February 9, 2004.
Al Qaeda is losing in Iraq. If Bush wanted to kick off his campaign with one hell of a bang, he'd get himself behind a podium with the incriminating document in his hands, its contents and meaning in the speech he'd give. Bush could come out swinging so hard he'd hit David Gregory in the mouth. And he could do it tomorrow. Michael Ubaldi, February 6, 2004.
Zeyad's reward for standing tall among the uncertain people of Iraq didn't come without a story worth telling: This was scary. An American patrol was distributing leaflets in our neighbourhood today. This isn't an uncommon practice. But the pictures on the leaflets caught my eye, and I nervously picked one up and looked closely. The pictures were mine, the ones I took on Dec. 10 at the anti-terror demonstrations. The writing on the leaflet said:
Michael Ubaldi, February 4, 2004.
Zeyad offers clarifications, good wishes and links to new Iraqi additions to the blogosphere. What's remarkable is the interest and familiarity many of these blogging Iraqis have with the works and philosophies of America's Founding Fathers. At the end of a previous post, Zeyad quotes Alexander Hamilton. An author of one of Zeyad's recommended weblogs praises Thomas Paine. Consider the ease with which these few Iraqis treat passages that far too many Americans - highly educated Americans - would consider esoteric and opaque, phraseologically and philosophically obsolete. (No slang? No ironic qualifier to round off the statement? Absolutist beliefs? Shame!) The regret is, then, that American political discourse loses much by skipping over its fundamental documents to more accessible, modern thought. But we should be both impressed and heartened to see that the young men and women of a free Iraq are so attracted to the speeches, treatises and biographies that drew up our country's blueprint. Michael Ubaldi, February 3, 2004.
Wit, thy name is Ali: For the 1st time I realize what a big lie I’ve been living in for the last 9 months and the worst thing is that it was me who made that lie and believed it so much that I accepted no other opinion...For 9 months I’ve thought that things were OK, that America did the right thing, we got rid of S.H. and his killing machine, that I’m happy, free and dreaming of a better future.
Michael Ubaldi, February 2, 2004.
Michael Ledeen is impressed with the complexity and amusing historical parallels of the prevailing opinion on Saddam Hussein's weapons capabilities. Ledeen dubs the Ba'athist Iraq's WMD program, as according to David Kay, "Potemkin," after the city-scale con pulled on Catherine the Great. But he's not buying: As I say, it's a terrific theory. But I'm skeptical, and I've got a real reason for my skepticism, which David can easily confirm. Last August I called him in Baghdad to tell him that I had a person — a good person, like himself, a person I trust — who was prepared to take him to an underground laboratory from which a quantity of enriched uranium had been taken a few years ago, and smuggled to Iran. Wow, he said, let's go look. Have the guy call me, we'll check it out.
THAT'S WHY THEY CALL HIM 'INSTAPUNDIT': Glenn Reynolds puts it simply. "The only way to be safe is to invade first, and answer questions later." Exactly. Dictators don't have legitimate claim to any power - let alone 4th Amendment protection. Michael Ubaldi, February 2, 2004.
What's better than an Iraqi who knows well the challenges his people face and the rewards of peaceful living that follow? One with the heart of a poet, like Alaa. If you scroll down, you'll find his thoughtful analysis on security in Iraq - and unlike President Bush's political opponents, Alaa offers constructive advice. Michael Ubaldi, January 31, 2004.
We've come to expect that Bill Buckley puts in the final word: The question will naturally arise: If we had had proof positive that the weapons did not exist on Iraqi soil, would we have held back the war?
Michael Ubaldi, January 31, 2004.
Pointing fingers at Western intelligence - and away from, of all people, Saddam - is today's political trend, illogical as it may be. And some are even conveniently forgetting just how potent a threat Saddam posed, or how the liberation of Iraq - weapons or not - is vital to winning the war on terror. But not everyone is dropping the charges of weapons possession and pursuit, least of all those who know Saddam better than most: Iraq's foreign minister said on Thursday weapons of mass destruction acquired by the country's former rulers, which inspectors have failed to find, had been carefully hidden and he was confident they could be found. "I have every belief that some of these weapons could be found as we move forward," Hoshiyar Zebari told a news conference in Sofia. "They have been hidden in certain areas. The system of hiding was very sophisticated."
The fact that Saddam's WMDs haven't been found proves precisely nothing about whether he had them, what form they were in, or what became of them.
While the politically expedient - or, depending upon your opinion of the war, advantageous - conclusion to Kay's findings of only bits and pieces of Iraq's weapons programs is that they must never have existed, it nevertheless requires an enormous suspension of disbelief. Would Saddam Hussein, a man who ruled for two decades and might as well have ruled for two more, invite his own destruction for crimes he hadn't committed? How in the world do science institutions fool the shrewd leader of a Stalinist country that had its eye on everyone, and his competing secret police? This is where the theory stumbles, for to bridge the logical gap Saddam must be made arbitrarily incompetent or even insane: How could he let himself be deposed if he could easily demonstrate that WMDs had no place in Iraq? Why, he must have been crazy. But he wasn't too crazy to bribe dozens upon dozens for years. What ever could the bribes have been for? Bribery is a risky declaration of need - the recipient can always pocket the cash and do as they please - and therefore a tacit sign of submission. Saddam was stiffed a couple of times, but ended up no weaker for his submission. One flimsy part of the standoff theory is that Saddam would lose respect had he submitted to prove a lack of WMDs. Oh, was Egypt planning to invade? Were the WMDs providing Saddam, post-1991, with anything other than pariah status among neighboring dictatorships, some of whom who had weapons programs much like his own? Moammar Ghadafi's submission has won him stature for the short term. We should not mistake a practical conquerer like Saddam for a martyr. Or lack of discovery for proof of nonexistence. |
|
![]() |