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Birthright Michael Ubaldi, July 13, 2004.
In the flurry of reports leaked, fingers pointed and accusations launched we should remember that the least immediate and expedient justification for liberating Iraq is nevertheless the strongest, by far the most relevant to the war on terror and dictatorship — and that justification is the recreation of Iraq as a pluralist, democratic state with a society dedicated to the same ideals as America and its allies. Only recently was it reported that the moderate Islamic clerics of Najaf, Iraq are quickly gaining authority to turn the city into a regional cynosure of Shiite teaching and influence. Mullahs in Iran are likely not the only ones in fear watching the grip of fundamentalism and terrorism on religion and culture loosen, a paradigm shift that began only after Saddam Hussein could no longer repress Iraq's religious majority. On videotape, Iraqis emulated the macabre stage show of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi to mock the terrorist leader, bear witness to Zarqawi's crimes against their countrymen and call for his death. And despite car bombings and gunshots, Iraqi men and women volunteer in droves to help rebuild or defend a new nation. For better or worse, Iraqis have fulfilled the prediction that challenges to their new way of life would only stiffen their resolve. That they — unlike foreigners who have become either fat on their freedom or unsure of its worth — will not only resist the devil but deliver a rabbit punch to his neck. The arm is already being drawn back. Glenn Reynolds links to the latest evidence of failure by the Near East's culture of death to swallow Iraq: Al Qaeda operations in Iraq have encountered unexpected problems. Iraqis have become increasingly hostile to al Qaeda's suicide bombing campaign. Religious leaders, which al Qaeda expects to get support from, have been openly denouncing these bombings. Iraqis, aware that they are more likely, than American soldiers, to be victims of these attacks, are providing more information on where the al Qaeda members are hiding out. Most of the al Qaeda in Iraq are foreigners, and easy for Iraqis to detect.
Disease, as a consequence of human existence, can never be destroyed; only its particular strains. It is the same with the rule of force. Manifestations can be cordoned off and choked, as [President Franklin] Roosevelt initially sought. They can be fought and defeated, as Roosevelt, then Harry Truman, and Churchill finally accomplished.
We see that they aren't. President Bush, if he wants, will be able to assume a powerful moral advantage over his philosophically uninspired opponent, John Kerry. As the Iraqi character continues to emerge, I question the interest of the Democratic candidate's supporters in the rights of men when their ticket plays a double-game of ridiculing the invasion as unnecessary and brushing off the needs of the helpless by vote ("I actually voted for the $87 billion before I voted against it") or by thoughtless stump line ("We shouldn't be opening fire stations in Baghdad while closing them in Brooklyn"). How much longer before one foreigner is worth exactly one American, that the discrepancy between "all men" created equal within American borders is settled for those beyond? In the current Democratic platform — the sentences that begin with "It's good that Iraq is liberated" before the conjunction "but" — I see a belief of senescent utility, many decades and wars old, that grows only frailer. All the same, the president's higher goal should be to advance the argument of peace through freedom not only for his reelection but for all time, for all of mankind. See more: Iraq's EmancipationIraq's Emancipation |
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