For all his bravado and interruption of debate panel colleagues, Juan Williams' historical perspective can be lacking. Williams' contribution from atop his soapbox on Special Report with Brit Hume last night was that the Iraqi interim government lacks a mandate, having been elected from within political classes, and won't be supported by the Iraqi people. His second point is repudiated by the cultural and spiritual leader of Iraq's Shiite majority, Ayatollah al-Sistani, having given his earnest blessing to the nominations of Ayad Allawi, Ghazi Mashal Ajil al-Yawer, Ibrahim Jaffari and Roj Nuri Shawis. But in his first claim, Williams seems to have forgotten that his own country's first president, George Washington, was elected by means neither direct nor popular. On February 4, 1789, sixty-nine electors from ten of the thirteen American states unanimously elected Washington with one of their two allotted votes. The electors were chosen by the state legislatures according to Article II, Section 1 of the United States Constitution. Three states did not participate. New York, in a nod to John Hancock's exasperation in musical 1776 of "What in hell goes on in New York!", failed to appoint electors. North Carolina's and Rhode Island's legislatures had not yet ratified the Constitution at the time of election.

Washington's ascent wouldn't exactly meet Williams' golden standard of open elections but history books fail to note any disintegration of the states as enraged throngs claimed disenfranchisement and rejected their unmandated government.

And Iraq doesn't even have a permanent constitution. Zeyad, who is slightly more invested in the country's leadership than Williams, is reasonable in his appraisal:

On the other hand [of Mashal Ajil al-Yawer's tribalist ties], I perceive that the majority of Iraqis have accepted him as president, even welcomed the decision, of course there will always be naysayers but for the first time in months I feel there is almost a consensus among Iraqis of all backgrounds. Also Yawar is known to have good relations with Kurds, is trusted by the Shia, is respected by other Arab nations, has a clean record, and belongs to a powerful wealthy well-known Iraqi family that leads the Shimmar tribal confederation, one of the largest tribes in Iraq, with both Sunni and Shi'ite clans, and spanning several neighbouring countries (such as Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey). That may be a unifying factor and one that Iraqis need badly at this moment of their history. After all the presidency is almost a symbolic title.

The cabinet is impressive. We now have 5 female ministers, which is an unprecedented step in the region. Just as Iraq was the first Arab country to have a female minister in 1958, it is now also the first Arab country to grant a larger role for women in the government. I expect a much larger percentage of women in the future National Assembly or parliament. The majority of ministers are independent politically, they are mostly technocrats, and come from all Iraqi social, ethnic, religious, and sectarian backgrounds. Many old players are absent such as Chalabi's INC. Also another interesting observation is that four of the ministers are also tribal figures.

So, perhaps I'm a bit optimistic today? Maybe. But Iraqis need to be optimistic at such a critical moment.

Five days ago I suspected that the Iraqis, possibly with help from the Bush administration, succeeding in defying all low expectations by shaking the reins of the United Nations and assembling a meticulously pluralist government with a month's time to spare. Columnist David Warren came to a similar conclusion (via Donald Sensing). All at once, the left's favorite canards — that no acceptable interim government would be in place to accept a handover of power, and that Bush was deferring heavily to the United Nations — have evaporated. That robs them, for the moment, of initiative to continue spreading doubt. As for the Iraqis, reaction to their government's appointees is quite normal in its dynamics ("He's brilliant!" "He's a bum!") and, as Zeyad believes, will only improve as officers and ministers prove themselves. What's not to celebrate now, and be hopeful of in days to come? Don't ask Williams, who would rather snub Iraqis for the consistency of his politics. Ask the Iraqis who recognize the opportunity of a lifetime.